In September, history was made with Parliament passing the Women’s Reservation Bill, the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam. A compelling imperative for all political parties to acknowledge the importance of the role of women in an inclusive polity, it is a clarion call to women to recognise their agency, assume equal responsibilities as citizens and define their destinies.
It is a significant achievement of the women’s movement in the country.
The journey for the Bill’s approval in Parliament took 27 years. However, the movement for women’s participation as equal stakeholders in the nation’s future predates its Independence. The arguments in feminist discourses have been layered, even contradictory at times. These range from Sarojini Naidu’s strong rejection of quotas for women during the Constituent Assembly debates, to Sushma Swaraj’s request, in 2014, to fellow parliamentarians asking them to support this landmark legislation.
At moments, male members of Parliament and civil society expressed concerns about the balance of power in politics and potential threats to ‘Indian values’ because of women ‘stepping out of their homes’. The fact that the Bill was approved by an overwhelming majority is a testimony to the present government’s commitment to women’s empowerment.
An often-overlooked question is why women need reservations, whether for seats in public transport or Parliament. Does the demand for a quota contradict the principle of equality? This article tries to substantiate the relationship between affirmative action policies — such as the Women’s Reservation Bill — and the political equality of women.
First, implementing a mandatory quota in line with proportional representation can transition us from the politics of rhetoric to the politics of presence. India is among the few countries that granted full and equal citizenship rights to women at Independence. The idea of political equality is integral to the Constitution, making the inclusion of women in politics a moral imperative for the state. However, the political sphere has been largely dominated by men and masculinist politics, with women marginalised and treated as beneficiaries. Women are often seen as a ‘category’ in welfare schemes.
Advocates like Anne Phillips have championed the concept of a ‘politics of presence’. They argue that women can bring unique skills and political strategies rooted in their life experiences, making them role models for future generations. The presence of women ensures fair negotiations and deliberations between genders on various issues, free from preconceived notions. This revitalises democracy.
The second argument is that women in India have consistently rejected invisibility and marginalisation. During the freedom struggle, women from all walks of life and regions made significant contributions. Their pivotal role in movements like Non-cooperation, Civil Disobedience, Khadi, and Swadeshi under Mahatma Gandhi, are integral to the historical narrative.
In 1974, the ‘Towards Equality’ report shone the light on gender-based inequalities in various spheres, paving the way for the emergence of movements that took up issues such as violence against women, access to education and employment, the right to abortion, and discrimination against the girl child. These movements were often precursors to groundbreaking pieces of legislation.
Recent measures like the extension of property rights to women in tribal communities and the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao initiatives are the outcomes of the efforts of both the government and women’s movements. The 73rd and 74th amendments empowered women at the panchayati raj level, dispelling earlier doubts about their capabilities at local governance.
Eloquent and erudite speeches by women parliamentarians have often reshaped deliberations, leading to progressive pieces of legislation. Women have held positions at the highest level – the President of India, Prime Minister, chief ministers, Lok Sabha speakers, state assembly representatives and parliamentarians. Women are also informed, responsible, and demanding voters.
In contemporary times, women have made significant strides in the education sector, with increasing enrollment in higher education. They are making their presence felt in fields such as aviation, bureaucracy, medicine, space science, arts and literature. They have proved adept in navigating layers of power structures and overcoming vertical and horizontal inequalities. Their aspiration to be a part of the country’s success story is evident in all spheres.
While there are procedural constraints – these include delimitation based on the post-2026 census data — for the actual implementation of the quota for women, the Act represents people’s mandate for gender equality in politics. The next step is to seize this historic moment. Training women to join politics should include encouraging them to pursue higher education in subjects such as public policy, political science and law. Established women politicians could become mentors.
In conclusion, we advocate the theory of reflective autonomy which combines a sense of individuated selves with a commitment to a shared set of values. This idea is based on three ‘E’s – engagement, emancipation, and empathy. Women aspiring to be members of Parliament need to engage with local issues and facilitate local solutions to local problems. This will provide them with a sense of confidence and commitment. A sense of empathy needs to be nurtured that goes beyond the realm of rights and underlines harmony in society. All these will ensure that the formal equality promised by the passage of the Act will transform into substantive equality for women.
